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Pakistan: The conspiracy to keep the majority disenfranchised

by Niilofur Farrukh, 20 May 2009

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Dawn

Unheeded lessons of democracy

With the Taliban facing the might of the military — supported this time by government will — in Swat and its adjoining areas, the spectre of the militants’ advance to the cities has diminished considerably.

There is no doubt, though, that the military operation has come at a great loss with thousands being forced to flee the scene of conflict in what is one of the greatest waves of human exodus in the region. But as Pakistanis muster up their energies to face yet another humanitarian crisis they must also pause to reflect on Talibanisation and its relationship to our dysfunctional democracy. We need to give serious thought to the deep-seated causes behind the presence of the Taliban in Malakand. Why, for instance, did the message of adl resonate with the people until the Taliban began to show more of their brutal, expansionist tendencies? The Taliban managed to make inroads not because they are invincible or outnumber their detractors but because we, the citizens of Pakistan, for six decades have collectively ignored the lessons of democracy that promises equal rights and justice for all citizens.

Dictators may have deprived us of our vote from time to time, but we as a nation have contributed to a system built on nepotism, expediency and convenience. Pakistanis clamour for democracy during dictatorships yet make a mockery of adult franchise when less than 30 per cent of the voting population casts its vote. Our tolerance for bribes, kickbacks, illegal commissions etc has reached an alarming level. So it comes as no surprise that Pakistan ranks among this planet’s five most corrupt countries. Institutions, both in the public and private sector, that could have served as the building blocks of democracy have been turned into personal fiefdoms with little regard for the mandate they have been given to serve.

Humourist Imran Aslam took a potshot at the way Pakistanis view core values when he pointed out in a recent play that we are a country where Ideas is a departmental store, Liberty is the name of a market and Freedom and Trust are personal hygiene products. Maybe it’s time to ask if Pakistan was ever a democracy, or have we rapidly slipped from being a colony to an oligarchy constituted by a powerful, dishonest and self-serving elite that connives at monopolising politics, land, the military and industry. The conspiracy to keep the majority disenfranchised is clear to anyone who has lived through or studied the country’s short history.

We do not need statistics to see the deeply entrenched tentacles of this elite. The villagers of Khaskheli in Sanghar, Sindh, have been protesting in front of the Karachi Press Club for almost a month. One of them has died. Their only demand is to return safely to their village usurped by a landowner patronised by political might. Despite documentation in their possession and repeated assurances by ministers and government advisers, no end to their plight is in sight. The only positive development is the recent arrest of the principal culprit but it has yet to translate into justice as political clout usually ensures an aborted jail sentence.

In Lahore where a group of LUMS students were in an accident and one student killed in full view of a crowd, the case could not be registered immediately against the son of a powerful developer who was behind the wheel. It took a daylong strike by LUMS students and faculty and the intervention of influential persons before the police registered an FIR.

One had hardly stopped debating the controversial incident of the daughter of a former chief justice getting generous grace marks when two exam scandals surfaced. In Karachi, officials raided ‘cheating centres’ which were being passed off as examination centres. Most outrageous was the presence of parents who were supporting their children. Meanwhile, a member of the National Assembly — who was subsequently asked to resign by his party — sent a relative to take an exam on his behalf in Rawalpindi. His relative was apprehended at the examination centre. The person who refused to allow the matter to be hushed up was Dr Naeemullah Bajwa, who should be a national hero. Instead he appeared visibly shaken in a TV interview when he talked of how threats had forced him to send his family into hiding.

With most institutions having lost the capacity to function efficiently the masses feel a growing sense of injustice, deprivation and helplessness. These have created deep fissures in our society and gradually pushed us to the brink that makes us so vulnerable to extremist ideologies.

The nations that have averted disasters are the ones that can find the inner strength, resolve and resilience so future generations do not have to pay a heavy price. Encouraged by the lawyers’ movement, Pakistani civil society had begun to regroup and register its outrage against Talibanisation when the Nizam-i-Adl was signed. Thousands of letters and emails were sent to the president, demonstrations and public meetings brought together large numbers. Over the past week, citizens have been mobilising to respond to the urgent needs of the displaced people of Swat.

However cathartic for the participants these efforts should be seen in their correct perspective — that they are only a battle cry to remind opponents and the government that the Taliban ideology is incompatible with the values of Quaid’s Pakistan.

For any tangible success the real battle has to be fought within each Pakistani as he/she struggles to re-learn the spirit of democracy. The blueprint to victory lies in the understanding and practice of the constitution which has been forsaken by citizens and leaders alike. The first step in this direction would be to dismantle the system of economic apartheid which resides both in attitudes and in the crumbling brick-and-mortar facilities for the masses.

To become a stronger nation, each time we come back from an anti-Taliban demonstration or fund-raising drive for the Swat refugees, we need to tell ourselves, change is only possible if we begin to build the foundations of a participatory democracy.