South Asia Citizens Web

Indians justifiably take pride in the robust durability of their country’s democracy, barring the Emergency (1975-77), and the relatively apolitical nature of its armed forces. Unlike in many third world countries, the military in India hasn’t overtly meddled in politics, defied the civilian leadership, or usurped power. But recently-retired army chief VK Singh’s shenanigans and other developments put a question mark over this assumption.

My two bits on the muddied narrative in Pakistan on Malala Yousafzai, a favourite for the Nobel Peace Prize being announced on Oct 11: Those who so easily buy conspiracy theories about Malala being a “US agent” or who go against Malala are usually the same people you will find justifying the murderous, criminal acts of the Taliban (who are fasadis not jihadis, in my mind) in some way, absolving them of responsibility by terming it a response to the US invasion of Afghanistan or the drone (…)

Syed Haider Farooq Maudoodi, son of Jamaat-e-Islami founder Syed Abul A’la Maudoodi, is now a columnist in Lahore, Pakistan. The 69-year-old former pilot studied in an English medium school, but refuses to speak in English. He shared his observations on Jamaat’s politics in the sub continent, political Islam, militancy, state religion and the war crimes tribunal in Bangladesh, with the Dhaka Tribune.

A delegation of AIDWA [comprising Sehba Farooqui (Gen Secretary, Delhi), Madhu Garg (President, UP), Seema Rana (Secretary, Lucknow), Asha Sharma (Working President, Delhi), Anjana Jha (Treasurer, Delhi) and Maimoona Mollah (Vice President, Delhi)], visited some of the camps set up for the riot affected people in Muzaffarnagar on October 5, 2013. The delegation met a large number of violence affected women in the camps.

Once in a while, an Indian minister or senior bureaucrat or one from Nagaland expresses hopes of an early settlement. But nobody takes him seriously and chances of an early settlement of the six-decade-long insurrection remain as remote as ever. Sixteen years have passed since the Indian government started negotiations with the National Socialist Council of Nagaland’s Isak-Muivah faction, but the dialogue is stuck on the issue of territory. A ceasefire was signed with the NSCN’s Khaplang faction but it was not included in the dialogue. A third faction that broke away from Khaplang and is led by Khole Konyak and Khitovi Sema is pushing for inclusion in the dialogue, but Delhi has not agreed to that demand thus far. So for those who believe that a comprehensive resolution of the Naga question will not be possible unless all the rebel factions are part of the dialogue, even the basic ground for a settlement does not exist as yet.