South Asia Citizens Web

This report documents the impact of one year of Covid-19 in India, on jobs, incomes, inequality, and poverty. It also examines the effectiveness of policy measures that have thus far been undertaken to offer relief and support. Finally, it offers some policy suggestions for the near and medium-term future.

. . . In Delhi, the Member of Parliament from East Delhi, Gautam Gambhir stockpiled the antiviral drug FabiFlu (brand name of Covid-19 drug Favipiravir) to distribute it to his constituents. The Delhi High Court was forced to ask, “Are these not prescription drugs? How is anybody able to procure large quantities? Is he holding a licence to deal in these drugs?”. . .

As Prime Minister Modi’s party tries to win control in upcoming elections in India, his party is using a highly effective social media strategy. But that’s where politics can veer into disinformation.

In the year 1938 workers began asserting themselves not only in industrial centres such as Bombay, Ahmedabad, Kanpur, Madras and Calcutta, but in smaller towns such as Jubbalpur, Travancore, Bareilly and Dehri-on-Sone. Unionisation spread to the Jharia coalbelt, and to such sectors of the working class as bidi, pottery, coir, press, saw-mill and shellac workers, ekka drivers, lorry drivers, and rickshaw pullers (3). In Jamshedpur, the year opened in the shadow of the violence in Golmuri on 25 December

Justice For Myanmar and the Australian Centre for International Justice issue this report to continue our work in highlighting the role of foreign corporations involved in commercial relationships with companies that are owned and controlled by Myanmar’s military. In this report, we examine Adani Ports and Special Economic Zone Ltd (Adani Ports or APSEZ), an India-based subsidiary of the Adani Group of companies.