Source: The Hindustan Times, February 13, 2000, Op-Ed.
INDIA HAD BETTER HEED THE LESSON FROM AUSTRIA
By Kanti Bajpai
Austria and India are far apart geographically but not so far apart
politically.
The rise of Jorg Haider and the Freedom Party in Austria, and of the BJP
and its Sangh Parivar allies in India invites comparison. Comparisons
are bound to have their limits; no two cases have exact parallels. On
the other hand, any social commentary is bound to be comparative in some
measure. The question is: is the comparison useful? A comparison of the
two cases is revealing ò and, especially for Indians, is extremely
worrisome, for the rise of right-wing politics in India is far more
advanced and violent than in Austria.
The rise of Haider is part of the growing visibility and
"respectability" of extreme right and neo-Nazi politics in Europe. A
number of social, economic, cultural, political, and international
factors are responsible.
First, neo-Nazis have capitalised on the fear and dislike of the
"outsiders within", immigrants from the Third World, the Balkans, and
Eastern Europe. The demonisation of immigrants can be traced to a second
factor: economic distress, particularly among young unemployed males.
There is no evidence that immigrants are "taking jobs away", but the
accusation has stuck.
A third factor that has contributed to right-wing extremism in Europe is
a cultural one. Two trends stand out here: nostalgia for some "pure" or
"authentic" historical era, and revulsion or anger over past events or
episodes. Evocations of racial purity and of pristine and idyllic
origins, or golden ages, have combined with resentment over historical
"injustices", debility or shame to produce a popular philosophy of
"declinist" history, a philosophy of rise and fall. All over Europe,
this is evident enough in different forms and guises.
The decline of the leftist and centrist parties that defined political
liberalism in Europe after 1945 is another factor in the rise of
right-wing extremism. In Austria, there is clearly a growing
disenchantment with the established parties that are seen as clique-ish
and predictable. By contrast, Haider appears fresh, dynamic, and
charismatic. He is young, attractive, runs in marathons, and is a
rousing speaker.
He is also politically astute. He has manoeuvred his way into the
coalition politics of Vienna and yet stays away from the daily fray of
national politics. Haider uses another familiar tactic to good effect:
advocate extreme positions and then settle for something less, be
flagrant and then apologise. This disarms critics and opponents, who are
relieved that the worst has been avoided and comfort themselves with the
thought that their pressures are working.
Finally, international politics has contributed to the rise of
>right-wing extremism. The greatest factor here is the end of the Cold
War. With the Soviet threat absent, extreme right-wing forces, which
would not have been tolerated in the past because they might endanger
internal stability and therefore the fight against global communism, are
now freer to operate.
Islamic fundamentalism is another factor. The media's representation of
Muslims as fanatical and violent has contributed to an anti-immigrant,
anti-foreigner feeling. The war in the former Yugoslavia has confirmed
Europe's image of the Balkans as the Third World at its own doorstep.
Feelings of pity and kinship for the former Eastern Europeans have been
replaced by fear and contempt ò fear that hordes of easterners will
migrate westward, and contempt for eastern backwardness. All this has
helped build a "fortress Europe" mentality.
Right-wing extremism and the rise of the BJP in India can be traced to
similar factors. Thus, clearly, the right has used the fear of
"outsiders within" to build a support base. Immigration has been one way
of doing this (Bangladeshi migrants, for instance), but more important
in India has been the portrayal of religious and ethnic minorities as
aliens whose loyalty to the nation is questionable.
Secondly, economic deprivation has played a role here too. The lack of
employment opportunities for young men in particular has been a factor.
Unemployment and economic fears (post-Mandal) have made available a pool
of recruits for the shock troops of the right.
Thirdly, a popular philosophy of history that is built around India's
golden past and its subsequent defeats, conquests, and shames has gained
ground in the elite and even popular imagination. The theme of national
weakness, even 'cowardice' (to quote the RSS) has been all too evident
in the breastbeating over separatism, Kargil, and the recent hijacking.
Politically, too, there are parallels to Europe and to Austria in
particular. The decay of the left and centrist parties in India is so
palpable that it hardly needs comment. The game of shifting coalitional
politics since 1977 has been played brilliantly by the Indian right.
While it has no charismatic personalities, the right has used
Haider-like tactics.
Thus, the RSS deliberately cultivates an image of aloofness from the
mundane affairs of state in Delhi, just as Haider stays away from
Vienna. This ensures that the Sangh cannot be blamed for political
mismanagement, and its weaknesses cannot be exposed. The right here too
advocates extreme and flagrant positions and then retreats and recants
as a way of disarming critics and opponents òand succeeds only too well.
Finally, international politics has encouraged right-wing extremism in
India too. The United StatesÇ victory, the collapse of the Soviet Union,
and the rise of China have contributed to a feeling of geopolitical
vulnerability that has been exploited by the right. Globalisation too
has made Indians feel vulnerable. Economic globalisation has implied
economic exploitation and political penetration. The globalisation of
human rights has been seen as a form of external intervention. The
extension of the non-proliferation regime appears like a dagger drawn
against India. Islamic fundamentalism and terrorism and Pakistan's
unremitting involvement in Punjab, Kashmir, and other parts of India
have fostered a sense of siege.
The parallels notwithstanding, India is worse off than Austria. The
record of intimidation, destabilisation and violence by the right here
has no match in Austria.
Consider the record: the Rath Yatra in 1991, the demolition of the Babri
Masjid in 1992, the attacks on Muslims in Mumbai after the Babri
demolition, the vandalisation of cricket pitches, the attacks on
Christians, the enumeration of Christians in Delhi by the local police,
the threats to cultural personalities (Hussain over the paintings, Dilip
Kumar during Kargil, Deepa Mehta for her films), the rewriting of
textbooks and curricula, the calls to outlaw western-style clothing for
Indian girls in Delhi schools and universities, the threat to overturn
well accepted norms (on religious conversion, on places and practices of
worship in UP, on RSS membership for civil servants, on the sanctity of
Article 370 and the basic structure of the Constitution), the
maintenance of intimidatory organisations such as the RSS, VHP, and the
Bajrang Dal ò the list can go on.
Indians can be philosophical about Haider and Austria. They cannot
afford to be so about right-wing extremism at home. The hope that
right-wing politics is being moderated by elections, coalitions, and
day-to-day governance is misplaced. The opposite is true. Right-wing
politics has used the electoral system to gain power with 25 per cent of
the vote; the BJP is gradually absorbing its coalition partners; and the
levers of governance are being deployed to accustom Indians to the
domination of the right.
(The author teaches International Politics at the Jawaharlal Nehru
University)
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