www.sacw.net > Victims and refugees of 'Development', 'Nation Building' and Conflict in the Indian Subcontinent

India: Harsud Lost
By Angana Chatterji
[Op-ed, Asian Age, August 18, 2004]

They stood there, the guards, and ordered me to tear down my home. It felt
like my bones were breaking.
-- Sunder Bai, Harsud, 2004

Long ago, in a time of hope, on September 28, 1989, I was in Harsud at the
rally of 30,000. "Kohi nahin hate ga, bandh nahin banega (no one will move,
the dam will not be built)" had reverberated across the Narmada Valley as
village upon village committed to resistance against destructive
development promulgated by large dams. Almost 15 years later, I travelled
to Harsud to witness the rape of cultures and histories, memories and
futures, as people are forced into destitution. On August 3 and 4, hundreds
from 10 villages, a town and seven resettlement colonies registered their
grievances at public hearings. Chenera, Harsud, Bhavarali, Chikli,
Jhinghad, Ambakhal, Barud, Kala Patha, Balladi, Khudia Mal, Purni,
Bangarda, Jhabgaon, Jalwa, Dabri, Borkhedakala, Bedani, Borkheda. And,
those from Gulas, Abhera, Jabgaon, Nagpur, places that are no more,
chronicled in the register of dead settlements from which the Narmada Sagar
dam draws its life force.

The Narmada Sagar (formally the Indira Sagar Pariyojana), a multipurpose
project, has been in construction for decades. It is one of the 30 large
dams on the Narmada River as it passes through the states of Madhya
Pradesh, Maharashtra and Gujarat. The Narmada watershed is home to 20
million peasants and adivasi [tribal] people whose subsistence is
critically linked to land, forests and water. At 262.19 metres, the Narmada
Sagar is located in east Nimar in Madhya Pradesh. It will submerge 249
villages, displace 30,739 families, 91,348 hectares of land, 41,444 of
which are forests, to yield 1,000 MW of electricity and irrigate 123,000
hectares of land, a third of which is already irrigated. The resettlement
and rehabilitation policy, shaped especially by the Narmada Water Disputes
Tribunal Award, includes a land for land clause. In its present and
inadequate form, resettlement and rehabilitation provisions are being
violated systematically.

Over the last few months, bulldozers razed homes across Khandwa as
belongings were dragged out and mangled. State apparatuses are precise in
their execution of forcible displacement. Adivasi and peasant lives are
under siege in the Narmada Valley, their annexation into maldevelopment
justified as necessary to national advancement. "We are like waste to the
government. You do not rehabilitate waste, you bury it. Our town and souls
are being buried. We have appealed to the government, to the courts, to the
country. Our pleas are thrown away. We are left to decay," says Atma Ram.
"If we protest, the police beat us. They threaten us, our families," states
a youth activist.

Harsud, the 700-year-old town, was broken on July 1, 2004. Yet, all its
citizens refuse to leave. Some believe that the town will not submerge for
another year or two. "Where will we go?" asks Laloo Bhai. "We have lived
here for generations. Here I am somebody. When something happens, people
come and stand by us. Elsewhere, we are nothing." The town is partly
vacated, partly living.

Chanera, a resettlement site, orders rows of houses amidst desolation, a
prison complex, a place of exile. No water, electricity, roads, sewers,
bazaars. A temporary school with absent teachers. A swing stands in a
hollowed out yard in front. Children play, seeking to forget. A home has
imploded into itself, crumbling under the leaden skies. A makeshift shelter
of a few rectangular tin sheets and saris stretched into fragile walls
threatens to collapse at the hint of rain. "I was divorced through talaq,"
says Chhoti Bibi, "but authorities have refused me compensation." We met a
young woman, her husband died caught in the electrical wires outside their
home. The authorities have refused to accept responsibility for his death.

In "new Harsud" there is no employment. The wealthy have moved away to
Indore, Bhopal, Udaipur. The resettlement camp is populated by the
economically disenfranchised, making it easy for the authorities to dismiss
their concerns. "What shall I do? I received Rs 25,000 and no land. I was
forced out of Harsud. My adult sons were listed as minors. I showed
authorities ration cards, voter identification. They ignored us. I was a
mazdoor. In Harsud I paid Rs 300 rent. Here I pay Rs 700. I have been using
the compensation money to live. It will run out very soon. After that?"
asks a mother of three.

A Hindutva [Hindu extremist] organisation has posted a sign, promising
relief. The Sangh Parivar seeks to repeat their performance in Gujarat
(after the earthquake in 2001) and Orissa (post cyclone in 1999). There,
relief work undertaken in a sectarian manner by Parivar organisations
provided the soldiers of Hindutva with a foothold through which to exploit
disaster to foster a politics of hate.

The violence of the everyday experienced by people defies comprehension.
Brutality infiltrates into the imagination of the acceptable, as oppression
lives through the state's mistreatment of the poor, made intense by
hierarchies of caste, tribe, religion and gender. Beyond Harsud,
surrounding villages are devastated. In Jhinghad, people were informed that
the village would partially submerge. Half its residents were ordered out.
In the other half, hand pumps were wrecked, even as residents were told
that they are not going to drown. Why then were public services destroyed
and disrupted? We stop at Bangarda. "I am landless, so they said they are
not responsible," says a Gond adivasi elder, his body taut with despair.
"My sons are far away, I am old and very poor. My wife passed away. They
have given me nothing." Faces etched with anger and sadness. Who bears
responsibility for the multitudes a nation renders invisible?

In the absence of a movement that unifies resistance, people are wary of
each other. Chittaroopa Palit and Alok Agarwal of the Narmada Bachao
Andolan [Save the Narmada Movement] travel from village through devastated
village, day after long day, seeking to collectivise the struggle. "Hum
sabh ek hein (we are all one)" echoes as we leave Kala Patha. "The struggle
for justice is about the right to life," Chittaroopa says. The right to
life here is linked intimately to the right to land. Relations to land
shape knowledge, dignity, income, ways of being. Land is critical to the
capacity of these cultures to endure.

Authorities celebrate that the Narmada Sagar will be completed ahead of
schedule, in 2004 rather than 2005, even as the conditions prescribed for
resettlement and rehabilitation have been dishonoured, along with the
prerequisite that the state provide a minimum of 2 hectares of irrigated
land to those landed. Cash compensation - Rs 40,000 for non-irrigated, Rs
60,000 for irrigated land - is inadequate. Women are not listed as co-title
holders. The landless are not provided land as displacement leaves them
bereft of livelihood resources. Seasonal migrants are often excluded.
Submerged land owned by the government has not been assessed for livelihood
resources that it provided the disenfranchised. Terror inflicted through

"The Narmada gave us life. They have turned her against us," grieves
Parbati Bai. Rehabilitation for the 85 villages partially and fully
submerged, and the 32 scheduled for submergence in 2004, the people charge,
must ensure that the displaced are provided compensation in accordance with
the Land Acquisition Act and the Narmada Award. The remaining 132 villages
must be rehabilitated prior to the completion of the dam, even if it
requires halting construction.

Beyond Purni the land is engulfed by the reservoir, an infinite stretch of
gloomy water beneath which lies the Atlantis of the Narmada Valley.
Daunting questions of cultural survival and self-determination of adivasi
and peasant peoples persist. Narmada Sagar exemplifies the violence of
nation-making in India today. Unnecessary social suffering dispensed by
national dreams and global capital distributed among peoples, cultures,
flora, fauna, birds, trees, animals. One thousand more dams are promised
us, even as freedom remains distant for 350 million of India's poorest
citizens. Shall we ask them what this means to their lives?

* Angana Chatterji is associate professor of social and cultural
anthropology at the California Institute of Integral Studies
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